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By Jeremy M. Barker Views (67) | Comments (0) | ( +1 votes)

Shot of the Dow Constantine election party around 10:30 p.m., by Seth Kolloen

As SunBreak editor Seth Kolloen continues making his way through the detritus of 101 election night parties in Seattle, I've returned home to the comforts of hot tea and cats to bask in the warm glow of a good night. While the verdict is still out on both the mayoral race and Referendum 71, Seattleites can at least half-relax in the knowledge that they've done well tonight.

The success of the Mike O'Brien-Pete Holmes-Mike McGinn ticket (should McGinn's lead hold) is good news for Seattle, and not just because I agree with their policies. And the groundwork for their success was laid over the last decade, by a dedicated core of activists who nearly (or actually) burned themselves out fighting the prevailing winds on transportation issues, like Cary Moon and Grant Cogswell.

These candidates' success shows that progressives and environmentalists in Seattle can prevail in a one-party climate, which stands in marked contrast to the rest of the country. No doubt John Corzine's defeat in the New Jersey gubernatorial election is already being used as right-wing fodder to suggest the public is turning against President Obama's policies, when in reality it's owed mostly to the corrupt, ossified political culture of New Jersey Democrats.

The Seattlepi.com's description of McGinn's campaign as "populist," while charming, is a disservice. McGinn's success, like Pete Holmes's and Mike O'Brien's, is owed to the fact that he ran on solid policy positions that both appeal to the city's sensibilities while constituting sound, far-sighted choices. While Mike McGinn has backtracked on his opposition to the tunnel, his potential election signals a departure from the failed tenure of Greg Nickels and breathes new life into the city's liberal political culture.

Susan Hutchinson's once-competitive campaign was owed largely to the public's increasing lack of faith in the local Democrats. She was an attempt to hitch the radical, anti-environment policies of the ex-urban fringe to a candidate with suburban appeal. Dow Constantine's decisive victory should put to rest idle talk of the region swinging to the political right. And while it's unlikely to put to rest the town-country divide and the attendant vitriol that was aimed at Ron Sims for his environmentally sound land-use policies, the fact that Sims's protege has prevailed clearly signals that the majority in the region understand that the value of our natural resources justifies the inconveniences.

Pete Holmes's victory is especially pleasing. Tom Carr was fundamentally out-of-step with Seattle in his longstanding battle with the city's thriving night-life. Not only has Seattle unequivocally stated that it believes there's a better way to balance neighborhood quality-of-life with a thriving bar and club scene, but it has spoken strongly in support of the cultural scene--the theaters, rock clubs, galleries, and literary events--that's so closely tied to night-life.

Tomorrow, most commentators will be talking about how King County's overwhelming support for the Approve 71 campaign (roughly two-to-one in favor) played a decisive role in likely swinging the entire state (where it's tentatively passing 51-49 percent), but that's also unfair. Sixty-five percent of King County voters are not pinko commies. The success of the Approve 71 campaign is owed to great outreach to voters of all stripes, and the ability of gay rights advocates to convince the larger community that gays are your friends, neighbors, and co-workers, and at the very least deserve most of the rights and privileges afforded to their straight neighbors.

Oh, and as for Tim Eyman's failure to pass his latest anti-tax initiative? It means nothing except that the vast majority of Washingtonians aren't stupid.

By Jeremy M. Barker Views (207) | Comments (0) | ( 0 votes)

Yes on 71 Party. Photo by Seth Kolloen.

8:16 p.m.: Odd news. Just checking the news sites before decamping and found a Seattle Times article on the anti-Ref. 71 party's media quarantine up in Everett. Apparently the news isn't being let in. According to Seth Kolloen, the opposite is true at the Yes on 71 party downtown. According to Seth: "Hard to find since housing levy party is right down street and has similar sign. Count 7 laptops and about 20 cameras. Press ratio about 1:8. Question I get: "Is there a place called 'the warroom' or is that the name of a party?"

For the record, yes, the McGinn party is up at the War Room, and the doors opened at 7 p.m.

The SunBreak news room (i.e., this author) is decamping to a quiet bar in Lower Queen Anne to source reports for the rest of the evening.

8:18 p.m.: Well, that's no good! The Stranger's website is down.

The Twitter buzz is that Prop. 1, the affordable housing levy has passed, and Constantine is claiming victory against Hutchinson, 57 to 43 percent!

8:33 p.m.: 1033 failing miserably. Thank God....

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By Michael van Baker Views (212) | Comments (2) | ( 0 votes)

"ah, nuts" courtesy of The SunBreak Flickr Pool member Nareshe


Tim Eyman has an I-1033 editorial in the Seattle Times this morning, and while there are many assertions he makes that you can--and should--take issue with, I want to start with his point that an earlier attempt to straitjacket government turned out great: I-747.


At the time, Big Business, Big Labor, politicians and the press went ballistic — they said it'd be "devastating" and "impossible." [...] It was neither "devastating" nor "impossible." Governments have repeatedly proved that they're much more adaptable than they're willing to admit.

What governments have proved themselves capable of adapting to is eliminating (or reducing) the quality of services, and having taxpayers make up the difference through other means. Emergency medical services and fire fighters simply resorted to special levies to keep operating. (Full disclosure: I still have a grudge against Eyman from I-695, which has so far raised the Seattle-Bremerton passenger-only fare from $3.35 to to $6.90, with no end in sight.)

In any event, it doesn't seem like Eyman has interviewed the family of anyone who has died or was permanently affected because of I-747 cutbacks to emergency services see if they feel it was "devastating" or not. He seems like a man who's burnt all his furniture for firewood crowing about how uncluttered his house is.

So who is benefiting? Danny Westneat points out that Eyman's simple attempt at fiscal discipline does great things for the wealthy. Bill Gates, for instance, could see a refund of over half his $1 million annual property tax assessment.

It's tempting to call Eyman an idiot or a tool--and I don't mean to argue that--but his initiatives succeed because he's able to bring up a pain point (property taxes, in this case) and a call to action: "Taxes are too high! Cut the fat!"...

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