Tag Archives: viaduct

Op Ed: Do You Remember Electing a Democrat as Governor?

Reasonable people can disagree about Viaduct replacement pros and cons; it’s partly a question of priorities in the face of uncertainty. It’s very difficult to settle on 50- or 100-year infrastructure, knowing that our predictions are likely to be wrong. By default, we argue disguised versions of today’s more immediate needs and preferences.

Governor Gregoire, really, a Democrat

But look at how the New York Times, incredulous I like to think, chose to characterize their conversation with Governor Gregoire:

“Social engineering works in some places, like banning cigarettes in some places,” said Gov. Christine Gregoire, a Democrat. “Telling people you no longer can ride in your car isn’t going to work because this city is going to grow.”

See that? They actually need to confirm that Governor Gregoire is a Democrat. And not surprisingly–the “social engineering” talking point is usually found on right-wing talk radio and blogs. Yet here is a Democrat using her New York Times soundbite to repeat it, along with this incomprehensible “no longer ride in your car” statement.

Martin Duke, of the Seattle Transit Blog, is left with his mouth hanging open:

I have to point out that the Surface/Transit/I-5 option that Mike McGinn and Mike O’Brien support costs a total of $3.3 billion, and $2.3 billion of that is dedicated to highways. That level of expenditure, where 70% of the spending is on highways and 14% is transit, is equivalent to “telling people [they] can no longer ride in [their] car.”

To not be a car-banning totalitarian, it’s apparently necessary to support the $4.0 billion deep-bore tunnel project, which spends $3.1 billion on highways and zero on transit. According to our governor, any attempt to increase transit share in the corridor is the path to socialism.

Roger Valdez, at Crosscut, picks up on the same comment, and notes that while social engineering as a term of disparagement is preferred by the right wing, engineering of society happens whether you plan for it or not: “the fact is that Washington is already engaged in a massive social engineering project called the Alaskan Way Viaduct and Seawall Replacement project. It provides incentives to drive rather than take transit and it channels billions of scarce resources into a highway transportation solution that, based on the governor’s own policies, should be the last option.”

So, yes, social engineering is what the other guy is doing. That’s neither here nor there. Gregoire’s lapse into a Glen-Beckism on this issue could be forgiven as a one-time pander, but listen to her first response to the passage of a bill that simply strengthens the regulation of Washington’s existing medical marijuana, passed by initiative: “It’s changed dramatically from where it was in the senate,” Gregoire told media. “I have concerns.”

Democrats said things like: “I think this is a better system than we have now” (Rep. Christopher Hurst, D-Enumclaw). “We owe it to this state to be compassionate in these times” (Rep. Mary Lou Dickerson, D-Seattle). Gregoire had “concerns.”

The signal event of the Gregoire administration has of course been the recession. Gregoire has been willing to do the work of the tax-cut crowd for them, slicing into government programs again and again. In tears as she presented a budget she said wasn’t “moral,” she nonetheless has kept swinging away with a budget hatchet.

Except for some theoretically bipartisan attempts at “reforming” government–despised by right-thinking right-wingers because Gregoire can suggest nothing good–she has capitulated (along with our legislative Democratic majority) to the blind demand for belt-tightening even though she’s apparently not running for a third term.

No doubt there is some “fat” to cut here and there–and by fat I generally mean things that you’d prefer to have, but can skip or scrimp on for budgetary reasons–but the fact remains that Washington state has and continues to have a revenue deficit, not an out-of-control spending problem. (We had a surplus prior to the recession.) This coincides with hard times for many people in state, but what they need are jobs, not the spare dimes of tax “rebates.” Sadly, instead of jobs, the most consistent product of governmental cutbacks is another person in the unemployment line.

In the meantime, we have a governor fighting against social engineering.

Why Do We Hate the Mayor So Much?

How much do we dislike the job Mayor McGinn’s doing? A new Elway poll (which they commissioned themselves) claims to show that two-thirds of Seattle voters view his performance negatively.

Of course, that depends upon what your definition of “negative” is. Only 27 percent of voters flat-out called his performance “poor.” The largest group, 39 percent, said it was “only fair.”

That sounds like a gentleman’s C, to me, and not to be unexpected from someone who is a) new to working within city government, b) taking up controversial positions, c) an outstandingly impolitic speaker, and d) in the unlucky position of cutting spending everywhere. (Just for the record, I’d give McGinn a C myself; though I sympathize with his positions on many issues, his ability to work the Seattle process out of stalemate is very much in doubt. So far, as a coalition-builder he’s failed, and he too often takes his eye off the daily government ball to fasten onto hot-topic issues.)

In that context, his 24 percent “good” rating (four percent said “excellent”) is almost jaw-dropping. As Publicola notes, for the same time in his first term, Greg Nickels had a 57 percent “fair” to “poor” rating, so if you tack on a ten-percent recessionary handicap, McGinn is right there in the ballpark of dashed initial expectations. (Also, polls are fickle creatures: Back in July 2010, McGinn had a 45 percent approval rating, while Governor Gregoire endured the shameful stigma of a two-thirds disapproval rating.)

It’s worth remembering that polls of this nature are reflections largely of how a politician is reported on in the media. Most of us are not spending our days at City Hall, peering over the Mayor’s shoulder, clucking and tsking over the minutiae of his decision-making. We are making judgments based on hearsay, or because the roads are in terrible condition, or because we are in favor of building the tunnel.

In the Seattle Times, whose editorial pages have spent a good deal of time running down the Mayor (no mention of that as a contributing factor, but perhaps it’s true that no one cares what the Seattle Times editorial writers think), the story leads with Bob Watt’s fair-enough assessment that McGinn’s aggressive lawerly instincts have been doing him more harm than good. Watt, though, was deputy to former Mayor Norm Rice, who is more remembered for his nickname “Mayor Nice” than any single accomplishment.

Whereas Nickels’ deputy mayor, Tim Ceis, told the Times: “Mike’s a smart guy, a resilient guy. We shouldn’t write him off yet. He’s got a long ways to go.” Ceis notes that it’s fairly easy to fix negative poll numbers: the Nickels administration did it by fixing potholes and putting down new sidewalks.

I said above that McGinn has so far failed at coalition-building. I’d emphasize that because in another Elway poll, on the Viaduct replacement project, some 55 percent of voters agreed that the public should have a chance to weigh in on the deep-bore tunnel option. Yet the City Council has consistently voted 8-1 to proceed with the tunnel and to avoid any further public vote. McGinn can’t get Nick Licata on his side because even Licata won’t go out on that limb without some kind of state legislative support for a Plan B.

(And now City Attorney Pete Holmes is suing to prevent an anti-tunnel referendum from reaching the ballot in November, arguing that the referendum illegally obstructs an administrative action.)

As Gerald Jampolsky once said, speaking of the human tendency to fasten onto ideological correctness, rather than find social consensus, “You can be right, or you can be happy.” In McGinn’s poll, we see the corollary–McGinn may be right, but most everyone else is unhappy. McGinn and his favored Plan B, the I-5/surface/transit option, suffer from the same negatives: They’re both easily caricatured as anti-car do-nothings.

The I-5/surface/transit  solution adds a new lane to I-5 northbound, for instance. That alone would increase north-south capacity by 30,000 vehicles daily, very nearly as much as the tolled tunnel is expected to carry. That’s not mentioning the 6-lane boulevard, or the added, funded transit, or the improvements for freight mobility.

Now, here is how MyNorthwest’s web poll boils down the I-5/surface/transit option: “Stick with surface streets.” (This is an actual news source, though I am tempted to give that scare quotes.)

If you can’t trust the usual media sources to fairly represent you or your projects, then coalition-building has to be your highest priority. Otherwise, you are the crazy person on TV.

You’ve seen it in almost every Western movie, that moment where the embattled sheriff stands alone, but then at the last minute people step forward. Well, that movie is lying to you–most lone-wolf sheriffs get shot in the back. People only step forward because there have been one hundred, one thousand, one hundred thousand, back-channel conversations.

Minds are changed not because any one person is right, but because different people take up the cause, often for different reasons, and they don’t let it drop. That is happening here in Seattle–the disconnect between the populace and our representation on the City Council may be leading to work-arounds of dubious efficacy, but come election time the Council may find that their approval ratings have come home to roost.